ABSTRACT

0. Are quantifiers sensitive to event structure? Fragment 2 included two quantificational determiners: every and five. (It also included the, which presupposed uniqueness in the singular, and which therefore was also quantificational in some sense or other.) Every mapped the denotation of its CN argument onto the set of sets including that CN denotation as a subset. Five mapped a CN denotation onto the set of sets containing a five-membered group from the CN denotation. In either case the result was a set of sets -- more or less the standard treatment since Montague, at least if one considers denotation domains purely from the standpoint of what sorts of objects in the model-theoretic ontology they include.