ABSTRACT
Throughout this book, we have seen ample evidence of the dynamic nature of anaphora and of the crucial role of its discourse setting. In the case both of grammatically controlled agreement inflections (a category which evidently includes the ostensibly independent morphemes which Bosch, 1983 calls 'syntactic pronouns') as well as (cf. Chapter 3 and 6.0) restrictive relative pronouns and infinitive- or participle-markers, on the one hand, and of referential-anaphoric as well as deictic third person pronouns, on the other, we may say that, far from being 'statically' determined by some co-occurring or recoverable 'antecedent' in terms of which their full sense and reference are instantiated, they perform a dynamic role as 'discourse operators'.
