ABSTRACT
This chapter assumes that clitics may attach to either the trigger verb or to the embedded verb in reduced constructions. It presents the arguments for the position that clitics should be treated as agreement morphology. Thus, the chapter argues against a movement analysis of clitics. It presents the arguments that downstairs cliticization is compatible with reduced constructions. This runs counter to commonly held assumptions, but has been proposed for Spanish in Rivas 1977. The chapter shows that relativized minimality plays an additional role in ruling out certain illegal clitic combinations. It also argues for a restriction on Case realizations that is similar to the RG law of Stratal Uniqueness. This chapter extends the agreement analysis of object clitics to reflexive clitics. It also shows that reflexive clitics behave like object clitics with respect to relativized minimality. An additional argument that clitic-bound positions receive Case in Spanish comes from the parallel between subject-verb agreement and constructions with object clitics.
