ABSTRACT
Border zones between neighbouring states, ethnic groups and cultural areas are usually places where contacts and sometimes even mixtures occur. Often the border areas of nation-states are marginal and backward places, where
ethnic differentials are better preserved or acquire their own dynamics. Long-standing inequalities may persist, in which case members of the sub jugated minority receive a less than proportionate share of power and wealth. This is all described by centre-periphery models, stating that a pe riphery remains a politically-dependent and culturally-subordinated area where economic and social inequalities most likely coincide with linguistic and/or cultural differences (see Torsvik, 1981; Rokkan and Urwin, 1982, 1983; Rokkan, 1987; Keating, 1988). One possible outcome and political manifestation of this is the rise of ethnicity, defined as an emotional, culturally-defensive reaction against the diffusion of economic, political and cultural dominance from the national centre. The emergence of ethnoregionalism coincides with new demands for autonomy (i.e. where local ethnic/regional interests prevail or are made compatible with other interests) along with the creation of some organization, a political move ment or party, which can engage in political activities. Ethnic organizations can either express ethnic/regional/local interests and help incorporate culturally-distinct peripheral areas into the mainstream of the country’s politics, or in the opposite case they can generate political mobilization and separatist/irredentist feelings. Together with the peripheral areas of neigh bouring countries as well as the border zones between the states, new terri torial entities can arise based on local groups with common ethnicity and cultural background. Moreover, the same peripheral territories, although economically insignificant, can acquire a political salience of their own and be bases for further irredentist claims.
