ABSTRACT
Indeed,thismethodologicalprocedureandconsequentmisreading ofthehistoricalpositionoftheworkingclassproducesunintended deformitiesintheinterpretationofthewhole'affluentworker' debate.Whatbeganasanattackontherevisionismofthe embourgeoisementthesisendsbylendingsupporttoanewandsubtler kindofrevisionism.Thispossibilityisrecognisedby'The AffluentWorker'teamthemselves(Goldthorpeetal.,1969,p.l65; theargumentshouldbecomparedtothealmostidenticalalternative possibilitiesofworkingclasssocialdevelopmentenvisagedby G.D.H.ColeinCole,1948,p.l60).Intheconclusionto'The AffluentWorker'greateffortsaremadetosuggestthattheidea ofthe'newworker'shouldbegivenaradicalratherthanoneof severalconservativeinterpretations(Goldthorpeetal.,1969, pp.l64-87).Thisisinlinewithwhatmayhavebeentheoriginal desiretoseeinthe'newworker'anewsourceofpoliticalradicalismratherthanthereverse(GoldthorpeandLockwood,1963,p.l56). Butthenatureofthe'traditionalworkingclass'thatisoutlined; thegreatnessofthedifferencesbetweenthe'newworkers'andthe 'old';andtheidentificationofthedeclining'traditionalworker' withclassconsciousnessandproletarianismnecessarilydragthe argumentstheoppositeway.Theassociationofaffluence,political andsocialcalculativeness,andmobilitywithradicalpoliticsand radicalcollectiveactioncouldbemuchbetterseeniftheassociationhadnotbeenmadewithreferencesolelytoaparticular, contemporary(andreified)socialformation:the'newworker'; andiftheassumedoppositeofthe'newworker'- the'traditional worker'- hadnotalsobeenpre-eminentlyassociatedwithclass consciousness,classactionandthelefttraditioninpolitics. Thefalsecontrastof'old'and'new'almostinevitablyleadsto conservativeinterpretationsoftheaffluentworker.Andthese conservativeinterpretationsarelittledifferentfromtheoriginally counterposedideaofembourgeoisementexceptthattheyare,sociologically,morecomplexandconvincing.
