ABSTRACT

Democracy is the new politics of this century, polyvalent, but indispensable as

rhetoric and form. Yet the age-old question of the relationship between formal, representative democracy and substantive democracy, or in Amartya Sen’s now

famous terminology, ‘capabilities and entitlements’,1 remains stubbornly

obscure, if never more relevant. The neo-liberal state and formal democracy are

increasingly taking isomorphic forms, diffusing across the globe as part of the

‘ideal’ state. In this context, the question of how different forms of citizenship,

including popular protest, can make substantive changes in the life chances of the

poor remains pressing. Put another way, the question is: under what conditions

can various ‘subaltern’ classes successfully use formal, representative democracy

to achieve basic and crucial freedoms and life-saving entitlements, whether it is

land, food, education, medicine, health care or minimum wages? Can popular

movements and insurgent associations undermine persistent inequalities from

within the norms and practices of formal democracy?2 Undoubtedly, these

questions require us to ask whether formal democracies can accommodate fruitful

democratic struggles – in support of broad popular interests within a democracy.