ABSTRACT
In spite of the lengthy history of settlement in Britain, minority ethnic groups are still disproportionately represented in deprived urban areas. The processes shaping patterns of segregation have been well documented in the literature. These processes have been sustained by, on the one hand, constraints — namely institutional discrimination, weak labour market positions and prolonged disadvantage — and, on the other hand, the attraction of the core as a place that maintains ethnic ties and protects against outsider hostility. The existence of segregation need not always be seen as negative per se, but rather for its continued association with deprivation, poor housing and marginalisation in the labour market. Phillips (1998) argues that there are forces for minority ethnic exclusion and inclusion at play, producing differential outcomes for different minority ethnic groups, varying dependent on individual experiences according to gender, age, class and personal resources. While given little attention in the 1990s, issues related with segregation and minority ethnic clustering came to the forefront of political and media attention after the 2001 disturbances in the northern English mill towns, adding new dimensions to the debate. In particular, discourse has been isolationist and government responses have been based around desegregation in terms of mainstreaming values and promoting spatial mix. This has propelled questions related to the factors that cause and sustain segregation to the forefront of debate once more. This chapter attempts to address some of these issues, beginning by defining spatial segregation, considering its perceived advantages and disadvantages and discussing the most common methods by which it is measured. The processes underlying patterns of segregation will be considered in the second section. The third section will turn to actual patterns of spatial concentration and the changing ethnic geography of the UK. The fourth section outlines and discusses the competing explanations for residential segregation. Finally, the last section considers the politicisation of segregation post 2000.
